Francisco de Osuna TERCER ABECEDARIO ESPIRITUAL. Click at link to start download: Tercer Abecedario Espiritual. [Back to Micro Book Studio. Fray Francisco de Osuna, franciscano (OFM), nació en Osuna (Sevilla) hacia Es considerable su producción literaria: Tercer Abecedario, Toledo (su obra En Quinto Abecedario espiritual narra una peregrinación a Santiago de. Tercer Abecedario Espiritual: Libro que ejerció gran influencia en Santa Teresa de Avila (Spanish Edition) Kindle Edition. by Fray Francisco de Osuna (Author).
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See Francisco de Osuna, Tercer Abecedario Espiritual (Madrid: Biblioteca de Saturnino López Santidrián, introduction to Tercer Abecedario Espiritual by myolicotiball.gq%20God%20and%20Philosophy/myolicotiball.gq it was not fully explored until the Franciscan friar Francisco de Osuna pr duced the The Tercer abecedario espiritual embraces more than recogimiento, bu. Francisco of Osuna, O.F.M. ( or – c. ), was a Spanish Franciscan friar and . Francisco de Osuna, Tercer Abecedario espiritual, estudio histórico y edición crítica por . Create a book · Download as PDF · Printable version.
Es un orador popular, ardiente y apasionado. No se conocen documentos sobre este cargo.
Osuna, como tantos hermanos suyos de la Observancia, hizo lo posible por que su vida fuese ignorada. En aquella ciudad alarga su estancia durante varios meses. Enlaza con facilidad con los franciscanos de Aquitania y encuentra editor para su primera obra latina.
Esta obra es llamada, a veces, Pars septentrionalis. Empero, viendo los hielos del invierno hube de rogar a un rico que me diese pluma en que durmiese Quinto Abecedario es complemento del Tercero. Es de suponerlo, pero faltan documentos que lo acrediten. Sus pasos se nos escapan.
Busca incansablemente la verdad, valora la experiencia y el saber, no descuida el bien decir. Tercer Abecedario espiritual. Madrid, BAC, Esta localidad se encuentra a 86 Km al S. Conoce la vida de los ricos, de las damas de la aristocracia, del alto clero y de los hidalgos arruinados.
Lo acostumbrado en los Frailes Menores de entonces era prescindir del apellido de familia, para favorecer el sentido de igualdad, aunque algunos lo conservaron. En la mocedad de Osuna no se aprecian detalles de ligereza moral.
Esto no quiere decir que Osuna sea nominalista. Con ello comienza a enriquecer y elaborar un tipo de lenguaje, preparando el camino a nuestras cumbres de la espiritualidad. No es justo considerarle fautor de la sola corriente afectiva. Valora las funciones del entendimiento y las dirige hacia el amor. Ortiz, a quien los alumbrados intentan envolver, en sus procesos, con Osuna. Por ello renuncia a otras ocupaciones o cargos.
Se edifica de todos, observa, compara. Laredo is unique among sixteenth- century Castilian mystics for neither coming before the Inquisition nor having his Subida del Monte Sion Ascent of Mount Sion, , banned or expurgated by the Indices of Prohibited Books? These facts are remark- able enough in themselves, yet still more so, given that it is possible to prove that Laredo's life choices would have led his fellow residents of 3 See Gomez-Menor, "Linaje judio," See Alfredo Vilchez Diaz, Autores y anonimos espanoles en los indices inquisiloriales Madrid: Universidad Complutense, , 82, for the complete list of Indices that expurgated Osuna's works.
Rather than using the possibility of Jewish heritage as reason to seek evidence of Jewish belief or Kabbahstic influence, I argue instead that an awareness of Laredo's problematic social sLatus poses the question as to how he, among all mystics of the sixteenth century, managed to negotiate the difficult task of appearing sufficiently orthodox so as to avoid Inquisitorial suspicion, much less condemnation.
In the prefatory material to the Subida del Monte Sion, Laredo provides an overview of his tripartite work which does not actually match the contents of his treatise. By examining the disjunctions between the preface and the core of Laredo's treatise, it becomes evident that, when framing the book, he had recourse to several rhetorical and political strategies to emphasize his full commitment to Christianity.
These moves serve the double pur- pose of clarifying his status as Christian, over against Jew, despite his association with the converso community that was presumed to be always disposed toward Jewish practice, and as mystic, over against heretic, despite the ways his treatise is unique in the history of Western Christian mys- tical methods.
Ultimately, these rhetorical strategies aimed at his contemporaries not only led inquisitors to accept the unique mystical method of a possible converso as orthodox but have also mi sit A modern scholars into perfunc- torily dismissing the central element of Laredo's mystical technique.
Laredo's choice to elevate Passion meditation to the second stage of a mystic way is in direct opposition to its traditional status as preliminary to a tripartite method of contemplation. In what had formerly been a pluri- religious society, the odd interstitial category of converso was born in the wake of widespread pogroms in , grew as a result of violent out- breaks against Jews in and , and became the primary cate- gory of "other" in Iberia after the expulsion of the remaining Jews in The conversos had not only disassociated themselves from a reli- gion that exposed them to attack or property loss but had also joined the official religion of the peninsula, a move that allowed them access to the advantages accorded to the majority—that is, greater freedom to practice a variety of trades, not to mention politics on a local and national level.
The obvious practical benefits of conversion were of great concern to both Jews and "Old Christians" at the time, giving rise at the time to a rejection of the "New Christians" by Jews, on the one hand as heretics or apostates ,8 and by Old Christians, on the other as false converts seeking security and social status. II See Norman Roth, Conversos, Inquisition, and the Expulsion of the Jews from Spain Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, , , for a discussion of how Jewish authorities viewed converts to Christianity as anything from heretic mill, or those who if they wished to return to Judaism would have to be reinducted into the faith through ritual immer- sion to unwilling apostate mumar, or those who had never truly left the faith , to forced convert anus , to true convert meshumad.
Netanyahu notes that the conversos were not accused of judaizing until several decades had passed after the mass conversions and that the claim did not become a common one until the mid-fifteenth century.
Henry Kamen argues that it was in fact Inquisitorial pressure and the specifics of the accusations that led conversos to take up Jewish practices, rather than the reverse. III See Miguel Angel Ladero Quesada, Ids Reyes Catolicos: La corona y la unidad de Espaila a mystic in the age of the lnquisition The social upheaval that the Catholic Monarchs had tried to address by the Edict of Expulsion, however, was not resolved by the conversions and exile of the Jews or by the wholesale examination of converso belief and practice undertaken by the Inquisition in its first four decades.
Instead, even as the Inquisition turned its attention to other forms of heterodoxy by , discrimination based on the notion of "pure blood" limpieza de sangre was legalized in progressively more strata of Iberian society. Attempts to bar conversos from public office had had varying success since the early fifteenth century,11 while many religious orders or their schools adopted rules prohibiting the entrance of conversos in the late s.
Over the course of the sixteenth century, it became so easy for individuals to start rumors about their enemies' heritage, thereby stripping a family of its access to education, professional advancement, and governmental positions, that increasing Valencia: Asociacion Francisco Lopez de Gomara, , ; and Kamen, Inquisition and Society in Spain in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, , On the other hand, it was also one of the loosest statutes, as it applied to the descendents of all people found guilty of heresy by the Inquisition.
In other words, any New Christian who had been absolved or never tried was free to take a position in the cathedral, while the descendents of any Old Christian condemned as heretic would have been denied a job. Sicroff, Les controverses des statuts, The prohibition on the entrance of conver- sos to the Colegio de San Ildefonso at die Universidad de Alcala was also ratified in The Dominicans, likewise, seem to have made limpieza statutes official in the s.
It is of interest that although the Franciscans had been among the first to call for limpieza statutes, the order was divided over its enactment. It was revoked for a short period of time in the s. The debate has been conducted most frequeirdy as one of extremes—all converses were actu- ally crypto-Jews seeking ways to remain in touch with their religious past according to Yitzhak Baer and Heim Beinart , or all conversos, but especially their descendants, were fully and unproblematically Christian Benzion Netanyahu and Norman Roth.
For example, Gretchen Starr-LeBeau marshals evidence from the s Inquisition trials in Guadalupe to prove that conversos participated in daily Christian life on a similar continuum with Old Christians. That is to say, on any given Sunday, both New and Old Christians might be found anywhere from attending Mass to frequenting the local tavern.
Likewise, David Gitlitz provides a "taxonomy" of four varieties of converso response after the con- versions fully Christian, fully crypto-Jewish, syncretic, and skeptical.
Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, , passim; and Heim Beinart, Conversos on Trial: Tlie Inquisition in Ciudad Real Jerusalem: Magnes Press, , , where the author speaks only of the rejection of Christian theology and practice by the conversos in chapter 8.
Ithaca, N. Netanyahu makes this argument for the first generation of children raised by converts after the pogrom: "Intellectually, they were part of the Christian world, and saw no reason why they should not be part of the Christian society about them.
As a result, evidence from those New Christians who did not run afoul of the Inquisition has not been taken into sufficient account. I argue that attention to texts produced post-expulsion by New Chris- tians for the Christian faithful both old and new—rather than those pro- duced by Old Christians for Old Christians or by New Christians for Old Christians worried about judaizers20—allows us to explore a different set of questions than those posed by the camps of Baer and Netanyahu, 19 In contrast to her important point that "[t]he experiences of conversos living near the Virgin's shrine in Guadalupe reveal the importance of considering to what extent New Christians saw themselves as Christians, rather than exclusively examining con- nections between conversos and Jews," Starr-LeBeau focuses predominantly on possible Jewish practices as revealed by Inquisition documents.
Shadow of the Virgin, That is, immediately after mentioning that the primary focus of devotion for Old Christians in the late fifteenth century was the confraternities devoted to the Passion, Starr-LeBeau moves without transition to "alternate religious communities" started by conversos, stating that "[tjhe first question, for many conversos, was how precisely to observe Jewish law.
Likewise, her interest in the Jeronymite friars is confined primarily to those identified as judaizers. Starr-LeBeau's attention to the judaizing portion of the community may stem in part from Guadalupe's unique history as being the only town to expel its converses, not just its Jewish population.
In a similar man- ner, Gitlitz provides his four categories of converso belief in chapter 3 of his lengthy work, but focuses throughout the rest of the book on the beliefs -and practices of only those in the category of crypto-Jews.
Much attention has been paid to the political tracts of the fifteenth century by New and Old Christians that were either diatribes against conversos as turncoats or staunch defenses of them as sincere converts. Some conversos remained pas- sionately anti-Jewish into the early part of the sixteenth century; my interest lies in con- versos who did not explicitly align themselves as Jewish or anti-Jewish, but rather as Christian.
In par- ticular, 1 propose thai such documents enable us to investigate how New Christians navigated the complex circumstance of adhering to the Christian faith in a society that consistently, vocally, and often abusively made racial heritage the touchstone for the possibility of faith. A Converso Environment Bernardino de Laredo, a native of Seville, was born in , one decade prior to the banishment of the Jews. That a "revised and updated" version of one of Laredo's medical trea- tises appeared in casts doubt on the year of his death.
The extensive and primarily hagiographical account in Guadalupe's chronicle has served as the basis for various unfounded suppositions about Laredo's life. Win, , chap. Un inspirateur de Sainte Tlierese, 37 n. That statement, along with Guadalupe's statement that Laredo professed at the age of 28 if was the date of his birth and spent thirty years as a lay friar, pro- vides the only evidence for these dates.
Indeed, Laredo's work was sufficiently well known to come to the attention of Teresa de Avila, who cited the Subida in particular as a main source for her formulation of a language of interior spirituality. My own research indicates that Laredo may have been from New Christian stock, as I have delineated elsewhere. An environment conducive to raising- Inquisitorial suspicion is particularly relevant for assessing the history of sixteenth-century spellings and vocabulary, has notes to the minor revisions applied to parts 1 and 2, and includes both the and the versions of part 3.
All pas- sages found here arc my translations. Bernardino de Laredo, Subida del Monte Sion, ed. See also Teresa de Jesus, Libro de la vida, in Obras complelas, ed. See the detailed discussion in Boon, "Mystical Language of Recollection," It is worth noting diat, although no proof has been offered concerning Laredo's heritage by other scholars, two authors do assume him to be of converso background with- out further comment.
For example, it is evident from Geraldine McKendrick's exploration of Laredo's contemporary, Juan de Varela, and his role in Seville's converso community to which he had no proven genealogical ties but for which he became the spokesperson during the comunero riots of ,28 that frequent associa- tion with converses could link an individual inextricably to the converso community.
Laredo's actual genealogy, lost to us without specific names for his parents, is thus less relevant to the thought and career of this Franciscan apothecary than is the fact that he was supported by a net- work of conversos in both his medical practice and his spiritual concerns, as I detail here. Laredo exercised his twin professions of medicine and mysticism in primarily converso settings. Most obviously, Laredo chose to become a doctor, a profession so closely linked with the converso population sub- sequent to that many Old Christians refused to enter it, so as to not live under a cloud of suspicion about their origins.
See Stephen H. Interestingly enough, Varela pub- lished Laredo's first medical treatise in the year following the comunero uprising. Mary E. Certain towns in the sixteenth century even record having to choose a converso doctor as the official doctor of the town because no Old Christian doctors lived in the area.
Laredo requested several theologians to review his work before committing either edition of the Subida to print34 and was also careful to ensure approval in the highest circles of Castilian eccle- siastics by at once dedicating his work to the existing archbishop of Seville and indicating at least passing acquaintance with the previous archbishop.
Juan Gil, Los conversos y la Inquisition sevillana, 8 vols. For further details, see Boon, "Mystical Language of Recollection," , n.
For Laredo as executor, and also as having given his publisher the gift of an expensive reliquary, see the inventory of Juan Cromburger's estate, published with several faulty notations in Jose Gestoso y Perez, jYoticias ineditas de impresores sevillanos Seville: Gomez Hermanos, , 74, For corrections to the relevant sections, see the comments in Clive Griffin, Tlie Croinbergers of.
See the discussion in Boon, "Mystical Language of Recollection," Both men were part of die court that tried Juan de Avila denounced as a converso and an alumbrado, but acquitted.
Juan de Avila," As for the jessica a. This fact in no way detracts from the power ol Laredo's work as a prescriptive method for achieving union with the Christian God—indeed, it makes a strong argument for further studies to catalog the political maneuvering to which certain New Christians resorted in order to live out their Christianity despite being constantly subject to suspicion.
I believe that it is safe to assume that Laredo's strategic appeal to theologians and ecclesiastics known to be favorable to conversos enabled him to avoid attracting Inquisitorial attention during his lifetime. Such tactics, however, do not explain the remarkable fact that his Subida was never questioned by the compilers of the Indices of Prohibited Books between and , despite die generalized suspicion directed toward all spiritual works in the vernacular, including those written by Laredo's fellow recollection mystics.
The archbishop was automatically a lead inquisitor. Gorro is discussed in Glaudio Guillen, "Un padron de conversos sevil- lanos ," Bulletin Hispanique 65 : Temino is discussed in Gil, Los conversos y la Inquisition sevillana, Corro and Temino were on the board diat absolved Juan de Avila of charges of being both an alumbrado and a converso.
Juan de Avila," 19, Likewise, both arch- bishops were known conversos who extended their protection to other New Christians.